Contents

Project Coordinator

Michal Vašečka

Activities

Partners

Visegrad Insight- Respublica
Europeum
Hungarian Europe Society

25 and Counting – The Voices of Visegrad

The Nadace Res Publica, together with its partners from the V4 countries, has launched a unique project titled Voices of the Visegrád Four, which includes short videos and explanatory texts. The main goal is to provide media coverage of key topics relevant to the Visegrad region, raise awareness, and ensure better access to information.

The Visegrad Group represents a unique intersection of history and values, where the experience of democratic transformation meets the ambition to help shape the future of Europe as a whole. This shared past and geopolitical position give the V4 countries a strong, authentic voice that is indispensable in today’s international dialogue on security and integration. Although the region is currently facing complex challenges, this shared resilience forms the foundation for defending the democratic principles that unite us.

The Voices of the Visegrad Four project, initiated by the Res Publica Foundation and its partners, was created as a direct response to the growing uncertainty and fragmentation of society in our region. Through a series of analytical texts and engaging videos, we are opening space for critical discussion on issues that fundamentally affect our daily lives and the future direction of Central Europe. Our mission is to cultivate the media environment, strengthen civic engagement, and provide clear, verified information where national interests intersect with global crises.

For more information click here

How Rent Seeking Drives Fico’s Brussels Strategy

Slovakia’s energy crisis is a political opportunity for the PM

12 February 2026

Robert Fico’s strategy may benefit Slovakia in the short term. In the longer perspective, however, his rent-seeking behaviour will erode trust and reputation with Slovakia’s EU partners, reduce its influence in policy formation and heighten scrutiny over future EU funds allocation.

Recent public criticism by Slovak Prime Minister Robert Fico of a European Council (EC) meeting in Brussels provides an instructive case for analysing rent-seeking behaviour within the European Union (EU). In short – Robert Fico criticised that EU energy policies are inconclusive, inefficient and disconnected from Slovakia’s energy challenges. Although Fico presented his critique as a substantive policy one, his rhetoric can be interpreted rather as a strategic political manoeuvre aimed at extracting financial, regulatory and political rents from EU institutions, while simultaneously consolidating domestic political support.

As we see from EC meetings – particularly in policy areas such as energy and macroeconomic coordination – they rarely result in binding decisions. Their primary function lies in agenda-setting, political coordination and the generation of mandates for the European Commission. Bearing that in mind, Fico’s assertion that the meeting ‘produced no conclusions’ is only partially accurate. While formal outcomes may have been limited, the Council’s role as a forum for coalition-building and informal bargaining – especially vital for smaller member states – remains central. By dismissing this function, Fico reframes procedural governance as institutional failure.

This reframing is politically consequential because it relocates responsibility for unresolved energy pressures from the national to the supranational level. Despite extensive EU-level responses to the energy crisis – such as relaxed state-aid rules, REPowerEU funding and flexibility within cohesion policy – the core instruments of energy pricing, taxation and household compensation remain largely under national control. The portrayal of Brussels as inactive thus obscures the domestic policy trade-offs inherent in managing energy affordability.

The same old story

From a political economy perspective, however, Fico’s strategy aligns with well-documented patterns of member-state rent seeking in the EU. Governments facing fiscal constraints and electorally sensitive conflicts over who gets to lose often seek preferential treatment through exceptional funding, regulatory exemptions or delayed compliance with costly obligations. In Slovakia’s case, plausible targets include additional energy-related financial support, extended state-aid flexibility, exemptions from climate-related regulatory timelines and informal tolerance for interventionist pricing policies. These rents are typically secured not through formal treaty change, but through sustained political pressure, obstruction and strategic signalling.

The domestic dimension of this strategy is crucial. By framing EU institutions as ineffective and detached, Fico constructs a rent-seeking narrative that externalises blame for high energy costs and unpopular policy choices. This narrative resonates with electorates sensitive to social insecurity and sovereignty concerns, enabling a government to maintain a formal commitment to EU membership while cultivating scepticism toward EU governance. Such positioning does not challenge the EU as a political project; rather, it instrumentalises conflict with ‘Brussels’ as a resource for domestic legitimacy.

Legal and quasi-legal strategies further reinforce this rent-seeking approach. Court challenges at national or EU level, even when unlikely to succeed, can function as leverage by delaying implementation, increasing enforcement costs and reframing political disputes as legal conflicts over competence or proportionality.

Litigation thus becomes part of a broader bargaining repertoire rather than a purely juridical pursuit. Although lawyers both on the European level and in Slovakia suggest that Slovakia can eventually succeed with its lawsuit against the European Commission in the above-mentioned issues.

Europe bound to lose? Fico’s policy advice for the 21st century

One issue has not been mentioned in the analysis of Slovakia’s rent-seeking tactics yet. Persistence in how Robert Fico fights for the flow of Russian gas to the EU suggests both ideological and deeply personal motives.

On the ideological side it becomes clear that Robert Fico belongs to a group of EU politicians who see only a gloomy picture of European unity and fading prospects of European prosperity. He sends signals to those who are going to be – at least in his view – winners of the 21st century – China and Russia on one side and the USA on the other.

And as far as the very private and personal goals are concerned, there is one speculation floating around Slovakia and slowly becoming public knowledge – Fico´s potential ownership of gas business facilities. But even if he had owned something, he would not have behaved differently.

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